Voto 2003

A BorderBills  special edition report

on Mexico's July 2003 elections

Crossborder Business Associates brings you this special BorderBills™ report about Mexico's July 6 elections.  BorderBills™  is a CBA online publication that provides insights into legislative and policy proposals that affect the U.S.-Mexico border and NAFTA communities.  Our online monthly BorderBills™ report will again be published beginning August 1 through our CBA Online subscription package; however, until then, important changes may result from Mexico's mid-term elections.  This special Voto 2003 edition will provide readers with a July 3 pre-election overview, and then a July 7 post-election results analysis.

 

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Results -- A Congress Further Divided:  July 6 elections shook up Mexico's Congress in the first major Federal election since July 2000's historic Presidential vote for Vicente Fox.  Increased representation for the PRI in the equivalent to the U.S. House of Representatives (Cámara de Diputados), as well as in many state legislatures and governorships;  major losses for PAN congressional candidates, with some wins in governor races;  and reinforced dominance of the PRD in the Federal District Assembly (the local congress for D.F.), as well as doubling of congressional representation -- all early results for these three major parties.

Unofficial results, as of 12:30pm PST (major parties) PRI PAN PRD
Percentage Total National Vote 22.9% + 13.4%* 30.6% 17.8%
Congress: Estimated Seats 222-227 148-155 93-100
Campeche:  Governor (est. % vote) 41.8% 40.0% 1.6%
Colima:  Governor (est. % vote) 48% 34% 13%
Nuevo León:  Governor (est. % vote) 56.4%* 33.9% 1.0%
Querétaro:  Governor (est. % vote) 42.0% 45.7% 6.6%
San Luis Potosí:  Governor (est. % vote) 35.8% 44.1% 15.3%
Sonora:  Governor (est. % vote) see note below 46.4% 45.3% 6.6%
*  Indicates % won with coalition partner(s)

 

National Political Leadership Will Remain Elusive:  A weakened PAN, a strengthened PRI, and a super-sized PRD will make previously stated Fox Administration goals nearly moot. Any Administration policies and projects requiring Congressional approval (fiscal, labor, or energy reforms; Presidential trips; or the annual budget) will include major concessions designed to attract necessary votes. Divided Federal authority was a specific goal of many voters: only 40% of respondents in one exit poll (Grupo Reforma) stated that they felt the President and the Congress should be of the same party. A likely liability of Sunday's election will also be the increasing temptation for the PRI and PRD to hold up both PAN congressional and Fox Administration initiatives, as a means of showing PAN's (and the Fox Administration's) ineffectiveness in governance - and their own effectiveness for 2006's Presidential race.

States of Change: 

updated  Sonora: State Governor's race too close to call - with 80% of votes processed, slightly more than 1% separates PRI and PAN candidates. Notably (as of 12 noon PST 7/7), the PAN-leaning municipalities of Hermosillo and Cajeme were those remaining to be counted -- however, a technical issue is now holding up the remaining count, and it could be 2-3 days until the final vote is known .  A PAN win would be considered significant in historically PRI-oriented state, especially given PRI dominance in Northern Mexican states (now, with Nuevo León). 

Nuevo León: PRI candidates swept over PAN-ruled state, overwhelmingly taking the Governor's seat and re-taking control of State Congress. 

Jalisco: In the State Congress, a PAN-majority became a PRI majority, and several major municipalities (including Guadalajara) are still closely contested between PAN vs. PRI.

San Luis Potosí: PAN candidates took the Governor's seat, as well as half of the state's Congress; PRI candidates came a close second, and will make up the second-largest portion of the state Congress.

Close Races: In addition to Sonora, races in Querétaro and Campeche remain very tight (although the PAN is claiming Querétaro).

Green Party Growth & the Youth Vote:  The PVEM (Green Party) gained nearly 50% additional seats in the Federal Congress (Camara de Diputados) on Sunday. Exit surveys indicate that 40% of those voting for the Green Party (PVEM) were less than 29 years of age. Given the demographic characteristics of Mexico (and, more specifically, of those registered to vote) parties focusing on those of 35-years or younger will tend to win. Older citizens might suggest that such youth-oriented policies may not lead to best-solutions for complex and challenging social, economic, and international problems facing Mexico…

Low Turnout -- Losing Faith in Democracy?: Nearly 60% of potential voters stayed home on Sunday - only 26.5 million of 64.7 million potential voters actually voted. While this low participation rate is no longer surprising in U.S. elections, the difference is that nearly all Mexican citizens are registered to vote (due to universal reliance on voter I.D. card as "official" form of picture identification for transactions, etc.). While more detailed analysis still remains to be done, it is clear that more citizens in Mexico chose not to vote than chose any one party; that party loyalty is generally weak; and, for many, little correlation exists between voting and improvement of the quality of life. The risk: growing disenchantment with the political system, politicians, and democracy within Mexico, presenting a possible environment for populist politics and future political instability. More immediately, however, such low voter participation potentially implies a lack of credible political leadership.

Compra de Voto & Cazamapaches:  Sporadic violence in some areas of Mexico State, Chiapas, and several other locations complimented accusations of vote-buying and intimidation at voting stations. While most of the country remained peaceful, the lack of public order in some areas (particularly some rural areas within the State of Mexico) was notable, given its predictability. The PAN's organized groups of "cazamapaches" (reportedly created to protect voters' rights and hunt out illegal campaign activities) were also accused by PRI and PRD candidates of intimidation; while these other parties also were accused of their own vote-buying and intimidation.

During the next few weeks, CBA will undertake additional analysis of Voto 2003, periodically updating this webpage.  Those interested in CBA's analysis and/or this information, please provide your email above -- it will only be used periodically by our own firm.

 

 

Up For Vote:  Sunday's election will be an important test for all three of Mexico's major political parties (PAN, PRI, and PRD), as well as for the final three years of the Fox Administration.  For the first time since the historic, July 2000 election of President Vicente Fox, voters will choose Federal Congressional representatives (Diputados Federales) -- in this case, all 500 seats are up for vote (300 seats through popular vote, another 200 seats through proportional representation).  In addition, six states will elect governors, state assemblies and municipal representatives (Campeche, Colima, Nuevo León, Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, and Sonora); two states will elect municipal representatives and state assemblies (Guanajuato and Morelos);  and Federal District (DF) residents will elect representatives for their Legislative Assembly and local delegations.

June 2003 Congressional Composition:  Currently, the PRI holds a slim majority of 208 seats, the PAN has 205 seats, the PRD has 54 seats, and the PVEM (Green Party) has 17.  Other parties (including the Workers Party [PT], Nationalist Society Party [PSN], and several others) hold the remaning 16 seats.

Predictions of PAN Losses...:  Expect tight races for Congressional seats primarily between the PAN and the PRI (and/or it's coalition ally in more than 90 Congressional races, the PVEM [Green Party]).  PAN party leaders are predicting losses of 10-20 total seats in Congress, as well as losing the governor's seat of PAN-stronghold, Nuevo León (and several major municipalities of that state) to PRI candidates.  Other analysts predict PAN losses of as many as 30 congressional seats (including those gained by proportional representation).

...PRI Losses, Some Gains, and PRD Growth:  The PRI may lose the governorship in the longtime priísta state of Campeche (somewhat offsetting the Nuevo León gains).  Expect the PRD to pick up at least 25-40 additional Congressional seats (from both the PRI and the PAN).  Very close races are expected for state and municipal positions in Sonora (PRI vs. PAN), and for some state and local elections in Fox's home state of Guanajuato.

Lessons from EdoMex:  March 9th elections in Mexico state (Estado de México, or EdoMex) may provide several insights into July 6:

29% fewer people voted in 2003 than in 2000 in EdoMex -- the "efecto Fox" ("Fox effect") was not present during the state's recent elections.  Low voter turnout is expected, particularly in states without races for the state governor (such as Baja California, Chihuahua, and Coahuila).

PAN tended to dominate high-population cities (with some gains by PRD, too), while losing ground to PRI/PVEM coalition in less urban areas.

PRD tended to gain in regions closer to the DF metropolitan region, and expanded their credibility among voters.

Evidence of vote-buying, the actual stealing of ballot boxes (shown live on T.V. news), and efforts to both intimidate and/or protect voter's rights were all present in the March 2003 elections...expect similar accusations from all parties during the July 6 vote.

Absent-Minded:  Based on recent polls and public statements of election officials, "abstencionismo" ("absent voters", or low turnout) is expected to be near 50% -- meaning that only about half of Mexico's 65 million registered voters will cast votes.  Aggressive political advertising, disenchantment with all political parties, and negative strategies designed to reduce general turnout (and to increase the relative turnout by devoted party die-hards [especially by PRI]) are generally cited as the main causes.

"volante" from EdoMex elections

A Divided Congress...Again:  Although the number of smaller parties is expected to decrease as a result of Sunday's vote (except for possibly the PVEM), and the number of seats held by the three major parties (PRI, PAN, PRD) will change, a futher-divided Congress is almost inevitable.  As such, Fox Administration proposals during the three remaining years will continue to be challenged, particularly in the lead up to additional 2004 state elections, and the 2006 presidential elections.

Dry Weekend:  American visitors to Mexico during the long, hot Fourth of July weekend may be in for a surprise -- starting Saturday (the day before elections) and through Sunday, the sale of alcoholic beverages is prohibited throughout the country for reasons related to the "ley seca" -- "dry law".  Tourists visiting Mexico should BYOT ("bring your own tequila")...

2006 -- Positioning for the Presidency:  Already, major political figures -- including Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (PRD), Roberto Madrazo (PRI), Santiago Creel (PAN), and Andrés Manuel López Obrador (PRD), among others -- are beginning to position themselves for the 2006 elections.  Expect major party challenges within the PRI and the PRD during the coming two years.

Predictions for 2004...in the U.S.:  Unrelated to Mexico's elections (but tied directly to the U.S. election cycle), key Republican and Democrat representatives have recently signaled new hope for the failed 2001 immigration initiatives between Bush and Fox.  Comments within the past four weeks by Secretary of State Colin Powell, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Tony Garza, and New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson all indicate political interest in reviving some form of immigration discussions with Mexico.  As the 2004 Presidential election season takes shape in the U.S., CBA predicts that both major parties will attempt to gain favor with "hispanic" voters by proposing and passing an immigration accord by mid-2004.  This could be especially important for key electoral states of California, Texas and Florida.

 

Information provided on this page is based on research and analysis of Crossborder Business Associates.  Any reproduction or use of this information must include a reference to Crossborder Business Associates;  electronic documents must include a live link to CrossborderBusiness.com.

 

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