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Voto 2003
A
BorderBills™ special edition
report
on
Mexico's July 2003 elections |

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Crossborder
Business Associates brings you this special BorderBills™
report about Mexico's July 6 elections. BorderBills™
is a CBA online publication that provides insights into legislative and
policy proposals that affect the U.S.-Mexico border and NAFTA
communities. Our online monthly BorderBills™ report
will again be published beginning August 1 through our CBA
Online subscription
package; however, until then, important changes may result from
Mexico's mid-term elections. This
special Voto 2003 edition will provide readers with a July 3
pre-election overview, and then a July 7 post-election results
analysis.
Email
List: For
more information about BorderBills™,
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information area beginning August 1 (including BorderBills™
and BorderTrends™
reports) please enter your email address and press
"submit". CBA will confirm your request within
48-hours.
Your email we NOT be sold/given away to any other entity, and CBA
will only contact you periodically (typically, only 4-5
times/year).
July
7: Post-election Results
& Analysis
(updated 12:30pm, 7/7/03)
 | Results
-- A Congress Further Divided: July
6 elections shook up Mexico's Congress in the first major
Federal election since July 2000's historic Presidential vote
for Vicente Fox. Increased representation for the PRI in
the equivalent to the U.S. House of Representatives (Cámara de
Diputados), as well as in many state legislatures and
governorships; major losses for PAN congressional
candidates, with some wins in governor races; and
reinforced dominance of the PRD in the Federal District Assembly
(the local congress for D.F.), as well as doubling of
congressional representation -- all early results for these
three major parties. |
| Unofficial
results, as of 12:30pm PST (major parties) |
PRI |
PAN |
PRD |
| Percentage
Total National Vote |
22.9%
+ 13.4%* |
30.6% |
17.8% |
| Congress:
Estimated Seats |
222-227 |
148-155 |
93-100 |
| Campeche:
Governor (est. % vote) |
41.8% |
40.0% |
1.6% |
| Colima:
Governor (est. % vote) |
48% |
34% |
13% |
| Nuevo
León: Governor (est. % vote) |
56.4%* |
33.9% |
1.0% |
| Querétaro:
Governor (est. % vote) |
42.0% |
45.7% |
6.6% |
| San
Luis Potosí: Governor (est. % vote) |
35.8% |
44.1% |
15.3% |
| Sonora:
Governor (est. % vote) see
note below |
46.4% |
45.3% |
6.6% |
| *
Indicates % won with coalition partner(s) |
 |
National
Political Leadership Will Remain Elusive: A
weakened PAN, a strengthened PRI, and a super-sized PRD will
make previously stated Fox Administration goals nearly moot. Any
Administration policies and projects requiring Congressional
approval (fiscal, labor, or energy reforms; Presidential trips;
or the annual budget) will include major concessions designed to
attract necessary votes. Divided Federal authority was a
specific goal of many voters: only 40% of respondents in one
exit poll (Grupo Reforma) stated that they felt the President
and the Congress should be of the same party. A likely liability
of Sunday's election will also be the increasing temptation for
the PRI and PRD to hold up both PAN congressional and Fox
Administration initiatives, as a means of showing PAN's (and the
Fox Administration's) ineffectiveness in governance - and their
own effectiveness for 2006's Presidential race. |
 |
States
of Change:
 |
updated
Sonora:
State Governor's race too close to call - with 80% of votes
processed, slightly more than 1% separates PRI and PAN
candidates. Notably
(as of 12 noon PST 7/7), the PAN-leaning municipalities of
Hermosillo and Cajeme were those remaining to be counted --
however, a technical issue is now holding up the remaining
count, and it could be 2-3 days until the final vote is
known . A PAN win would be considered significant in
historically PRI-oriented state, especially given PRI
dominance in Northern Mexican states (now, with Nuevo León). |
 |
Nuevo
León: PRI candidates swept over PAN-ruled state,
overwhelmingly taking the Governor's seat and re-taking
control of State Congress. |
 | Jalisco:
In the State Congress, a PAN-majority became a
PRI majority, and several major municipalities (including
Guadalajara) are still closely contested between PAN vs.
PRI. |
 |
San
Luis Potosí: PAN candidates took the Governor's
seat, as well as half of the state's Congress; PRI
candidates came a close second, and will make up the
second-largest portion of the state Congress. |
 |
Close
Races: In addition to Sonora, races in Querétaro
and Campeche remain very tight (although the PAN is claiming
Querétaro). |
|
 |
Green
Party Growth & the Youth Vote: The PVEM
(Green Party) gained nearly 50% additional seats in the Federal
Congress (Camara de Diputados) on Sunday. Exit surveys indicate
that 40% of those voting for the Green Party (PVEM) were less
than 29 years of age. Given the demographic characteristics of
Mexico (and, more specifically, of those registered to vote)
parties focusing on those of 35-years or younger will tend to
win. Older citizens might suggest that such youth-oriented
policies may not lead to best-solutions for complex and
challenging social, economic, and international problems facing
Mexico… |
 |
Low
Turnout -- Losing Faith in Democracy?: Nearly 60% of
potential voters stayed home on Sunday - only 26.5 million of
64.7 million potential voters actually voted. While this low
participation rate is no longer surprising in U.S. elections,
the difference is that nearly all Mexican citizens are
registered to vote (due to universal reliance on voter I.D. card
as "official" form of picture identification for
transactions, etc.). While more detailed analysis still remains
to be done, it is clear that more citizens in Mexico chose not
to vote than chose any one party; that party loyalty is
generally weak; and, for many, little correlation exists between
voting and improvement of the quality of life. The risk: growing
disenchantment with the political system, politicians, and
democracy within Mexico, presenting a possible environment for
populist politics and future political instability. More
immediately, however, such low voter participation potentially
implies a lack of credible political leadership. |
 |
Compra
de Voto & Cazamapaches: Sporadic
violence in some areas of Mexico State, Chiapas, and several
other locations complimented accusations of vote-buying and
intimidation at voting stations. While most of the country
remained peaceful, the lack of public order in some areas
(particularly some rural areas within the State of Mexico) was
notable, given its predictability. The PAN's organized groups of
"cazamapaches" (reportedly created to protect voters'
rights and hunt out illegal campaign activities) were also
accused by PRI and PRD candidates of intimidation; while these
other parties also were accused of their own vote-buying and
intimidation. |
 |
During
the next few weeks, CBA will undertake additional analysis of
Voto 2003, periodically updating this webpage. Those
interested in CBA's analysis and/or this information, please
provide your email above -- it will only be used periodically by
our own firm. |
July
3: Pre-election Overview (updated
7/3/03)
 |
Up
For Vote:
Sunday's election will be an important test for all three
of Mexico's major political parties (PAN, PRI, and PRD), as well
as for the final three years of the Fox Administration.
For the first time since the historic, July 2000 election of
President Vicente Fox, voters will choose Federal Congressional
representatives (Diputados Federales) -- in this case,
all 500 seats are up for vote (300 seats through popular vote,
another 200 seats through proportional representation). In
addition, six states will elect governors, state assemblies and
municipal representatives (Campeche, Colima, Nuevo León,
Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, and Sonora); two states will elect
municipal representatives and state assemblies (Guanajuato and
Morelos); and Federal
District (DF) residents will elect representatives for their
Legislative Assembly and local delegations. |
 | June
2003 Congressional Composition: Currently, the
PRI holds a slim majority of 208 seats, the PAN has 205 seats,
the PRD has 54 seats, and the PVEM (Green Party) has 17.
Other parties (including the Workers Party [PT], Nationalist
Society Party [PSN], and several others) hold the remaning 16
seats. |
 | Predictions
of PAN Losses...: Expect tight races for
Congressional seats primarily between the PAN and the PRI (and/or it's
coalition ally in more than 90 Congressional races, the PVEM [Green Party]).
PAN party leaders are predicting losses of 10-20 total seats in
Congress, as well as losing the governor's seat of
PAN-stronghold, Nuevo León (and several major municipalities of
that state) to PRI candidates. Other analysts predict PAN
losses of as many as 30 congressional seats (including those
gained by proportional representation). |
 | ...PRI
Losses, Some Gains, and PRD Growth: The PRI may
lose the governorship in the longtime priísta state of Campeche
(somewhat offsetting the Nuevo León gains). Expect the PRD to
pick up at least 25-40 additional Congressional seats (from both
the PRI and the PAN). Very close races are expected for
state and municipal positions in Sonora (PRI vs. PAN), and for
some state and local elections in Fox's home state of Guanajuato. |
 |
Lessons
from EdoMex: March 9th elections in Mexico state
(Estado de México, or EdoMex) may provide several insights into July
6:
 | 29%
fewer people voted in 2003 than in 2000 in EdoMex -- the "efecto
Fox" ("Fox effect") was not present during the
state's recent elections. Low voter turnout is expected,
particularly in states without races for the state governor
(such as Baja California, Chihuahua, and Coahuila). |
 | PAN
tended to dominate high-population cities (with some gains by
PRD, too), while losing ground to PRI/PVEM coalition in less
urban areas. |
 | PRD
tended to gain in regions closer to the DF metropolitan
region, and expanded their credibility among voters. |
 | Evidence
of vote-buying, the actual
stealing of ballot boxes
(shown live on T.V. news), and efforts
to both intimidate and/or protect voter's rights
were all present in the March 2003 elections...expect similar accusations
from all parties during the July 6 vote. |
|
 |
Absent-Minded:
Based on recent polls
and public statements of election officials, "abstencionismo"
("absent voters", or low turnout) is expected to be near
50% -- meaning that only about half of Mexico's 65 million
registered voters will cast votes. Aggressive political
advertising, disenchantment with all political parties, and negative
strategies designed to reduce general turnout (and to increase the
relative turnout by devoted party die-hards [especially by PRI]) are
generally cited as the main causes. |
|

"volante"
from EdoMex elections |
 | A
Divided Congress...Again: Although the number
of smaller parties is expected to decrease as a result of
Sunday's vote (except for possibly the PVEM), and the number of
seats held by the three major parties (PRI, PAN, PRD) will
change, a futher-divided Congress is almost inevitable. As
such, Fox Administration proposals during the three remaining
years will continue to be challenged, particularly in the lead
up to additional 2004 state elections, and the 2006 presidential
elections. |
 |
Dry
Weekend: American visitors to Mexico during the
long, hot Fourth of July weekend may be in for a surprise --
starting Saturday (the day before elections) and through Sunday,
the sale of alcoholic beverages is prohibited throughout the
country for reasons related to the "ley seca" --
"dry law". Tourists visiting Mexico should BYOT
("bring your own tequila")... |
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2006
-- Positioning for the Presidency: Already,
major political figures -- including Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (PRD),
Roberto Madrazo (PRI), Santiago Creel (PAN), and Andrés Manuel López
Obrador (PRD), among others -- are beginning to position
themselves for the 2006 elections. Expect major party
challenges within the PRI and the PRD during the coming two
years. |
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Predictions
for 2004...in the U.S.: Unrelated to Mexico's
elections (but tied directly to the U.S. election cycle), key
Republican and Democrat representatives have recently signaled
new hope for the failed 2001 immigration initiatives between
Bush and Fox. Comments within the past four weeks by
Secretary of State Colin Powell, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Tony
Garza, and New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson all indicate
political interest in reviving some form of immigration
discussions with Mexico. As the 2004 Presidential election
season takes shape in the U.S., CBA predicts that both major
parties will attempt to gain favor with "hispanic"
voters by proposing and passing an immigration accord by
mid-2004. This could be especially important for key
electoral states of California, Texas and Florida. |
Information
provided on this page is based on research and analysis of Crossborder
Business Associates. Any reproduction or use of this
information must include a reference to Crossborder Business
Associates; electronic documents must include a live link to CrossborderBusiness.com.
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